Category Archives: Global Labor

This is what a real socialist looks like – Marek Edelman Dead at 90

_46487698_008061478-1The last surviving leader of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943, Marek Edelman, is dead at 90.

WIth all of the cartoonish declarations by the likes of Beck, Hannity, Radosh and Horowitz about the alleged “socialist” politics of neo-stalinists like Bill Ayers and Van Jones, the sad passing of Edelman serves as a reminder of what a real socialist looked like through some of the worst periods of modern human history. Of course, Jones and Ayers think of themselves as radicals and “socialists” despite their affinity with authoritarian movements like that of Hugo Chavez, Castro and Daniel Ortega. Both sides in this strange collusion have an interest in perpetrating the myth.

Thus, despite the sadness of today’s news it offers a refreshing opportunity to consider the biography of a genuine socialist and radical.

Jewish Bund in 1917

Jewish Bund in 1917

Edelman was 23 when he took part in the ghetto uprising as a member of the Bund, a socialist and anti-zionist Jewish group. The Germans had walled off part of Warsaw and the Jews inside realized their eventual fate. Some 300,000 residents of the ghetto were sent to the gas chambers at Treblinka before the uprising. Despite sure failure some 200 mostly young Jews like Edelman formed the Jewish Fighing Organization and rose up and inflicted significant casualties on the Nazis. In the end more than 55,000 remaining Jewish residents were massacred. Edelman was a sub commander and rose to commander of the entire force when the uprising’s lead organizer Mordechai Anielewicz was killed.

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Back the Bronx Bakers at Stella D’oro

stellaGood industrial jobs are increasingly hard to come by in the US.  That’s why I hope KH readers will take a moment to click here and see how they can help Stella D’oro bakery workers keep their jobs in the Bronx where they have worked for nearly 80 years.

Here is a summary of the issues at stake:

On August 13, 2008, 136 members of Bakery, Confectionery, Tobacco Workers and Grain Millers International Union Local 50, employed at the historic Stella D’Oro plant in the Bronx, went on strike to defend their family-supporting wages and benefits.

Stella D’oro’s owner, CT-based private equity firm Brynwood Partners, was demanding wage cuts of up to 25% and unaffordable health care premium increases, among other concessions.  Workers and community allies waged a brave 11-month strike to resist these demands.

In July 2009, the National Labor Relations Board ruled that Stella D’oro had bargained in bad faith and ordered the strikers returned to work with back pay!  On the day workers returned to their jobs, Brynnwood Partners announced its intention to shutter the plant in 90 days.  In September, they announced they would sell Stella D’Oro brand, inventory, and some machinery to NC-base snack-maker Lance, Inc.  Lance said it would move production from the Bronx to a non-union facility.

The Stella D’Oro Biscuit Co. has been in the Bronx since the 1930s.  BCTGM Local 50 has represented the workers at the Bronx plant since the early 1960’s, and has helped build Stella D’Oro into an American icon. Its workers are a cross-section of the vibrant communities of the Bronx.

Stella D’Oro workers enjoy broad support in NY for their cause.  A vibrant support committee of neighborhood residents, union allies, and local community institutions has mobilized with workers since their strike began.  The NY City Council passed a resolution supporting the workers and the NY Daily News has published numerous editorials in support of their cause.

Richard Trumka – Former Coal Miner is new AFL-CIO President

minerThe Wall Street Journal interviewed me for this story about the ascension of Richard Trumka to the Presidency of the AFL-CIO.

I explained to them that the labor movement faces an internal governance crisis, an external change in the macroeconomic environment and an important shift in the political culture.  These are all interrelated, of course, but they add up to what I once called a near “perfect storm” for organized labor.

Trumka is a far more articulate and flexible person than outgoing AFL-CIO President John Sweeney who, frankly, had less personality than a funeral home director – in light of the downward slide of labor during his fourteen years in office it’s a wonder anyone knew the difference.  Sweeney emerged as a compromise candidate when the AFL faced the first wave of crisis to hit it – the end of the cold war and thus the end of American labor’s privileged position inside the world’s most powerful capitalist society.

Now, globalization and technological change have made clear how serious the shift away from the old Cold War era is for trade unions. Andy Stern led SEIU and several other affiliates into the wilderness a few years ago in a vain (double entendre intended) attempt to set up a competing union group known as Change to Win. They have failed.  But life at the AFL has been no picnic, with declining revenues, staff layoffs and growing political hostility to their lead agenda items, health care and the mis-named Employee Free Choice Act (did they really think they could get away with card check?).

To revive labor must lead and to lead requires an independent political and social program that appeals to broad numbers of workers.  But how many workers know what the AFL-CIO or any of its affiliates stand for other than pouring dues money down the drain of feckless politicians?

Twenty five years ago Trumka, the young lawyer who spent seven years in the mines that his father, father-in-law and grandfather worked, took over the United Mine Workers, when that union meant something in the US economy, after a a rank and file revolt against corrupt and violent leaders.  He then led a valiant strike against the Pittston Coal Company.

trumka

But can he recall that experience and translate it into a viable program to pump life into the entire AFL structure?

Unfortunately, his opening speech to the AFL-CIO Convention offered little sign of his plans, lacking specifics other than a retreat to the “public option” from labor’s longstanding support for the “Medicare For All” single payer proposal.

Given how long the plan for his new role was underway, the 2000 assembled delegates would be justified in feeling some disappointment.

Tian’anmen – Then and Now…

bodies-of-dead-civilians-0011

Around the world this week millions will remember the brave Chinese students and workers who stood up to the Chinese “communist” autocracy in May and June of 1989 and paid for their courage with their lives. Thousands were likely murdered in the streets around Beijing, while many thousands there and elsewhere throughout China ended up in prison.  The picture above was taken in the days after the crack PLA troops went on their bloody offensive on June 4 – only after regular troops refused their orders to shoot on unarmed Beijing residents.

Influenced by the uprisings of Polish Solidarity the Chinese protestors thought that China, too, could emerge from the era of neo-stalinist authoritarianism and join the global community.

The party/state apparatus that controls China had other ideas. Their implicit alliance with global capital has provided that apparatus with a new lease on life – as long as Chinese workers are willing to comply with the cheap labor/non-union regime imposed by the alliance.

In the west policy makers and intellectuals bend over backwards to justify the alliance with arguments about “progress towards democracy” and an “emerging rule of law.”  Some like David Brody, the eminent American labor historian, contend that the state controlled labor organization can evolve, as did some American company unions, into genuine labor unions. Others, such as labor educators Ken Jacobs and Katie Quan of the UC Berkeley Labor Center, Kent Wong of the UCLA Labor Center and Elaine Bernard of Harvard’s trade union program, work hand in glove with the regime itself in various exchange and “education” programs. They seem to think the American labor movement can actually learn something from the Chinese regime.  You can watch me debate these issues with Brody and Jacobs as well as labor historian Nelson Lichtenstein here

Some US labor leaders such as Andy Stern of the bureaucratically controlled SEIU buy the line of Brody et. al and believe an alliance with the Chinese regime offers a chance to counter balance the power of global multinational capital. He seems oblivious to the impact of the alliance that has already been established between capital and the Chinese regime.

What is striking about these kinds of defenses of the brutal labor regime in China by westerners is that the Chinese working class itself has been, on and off since 1989, in near open revolt against the Chinese government and spurns its labor arm, the All China Federation of Trade Unions.  One analyst – Ching Kwan Lee – described this as a veritable “insurgency.”

Even official Chinese statistics admit the level of resistance. According to the China Labour Bulletin, the leading independent labor advocacy group based in Hong Kong and led by 1989 workers leaders Han Dong Fang, there has been a huge increase in labor disputes referred to the official arbitration bodies used by the state to resolve labor conflicts.  There has been a similar explosion in the number of lawsuits filed by workers.

In a recent interview with the Financial Times, party dissident Bao Tang, now under house arrest in Beijing, said:

“China has almost erased the memory of Tiananmen by making it illegal to talk about what happened. But there are miniature Tiananmens in China every day, in counties and villages where people try to show their discontent and the government sends 500 policemen to put them down. This is democracy and law with Chinese characteristics.

“The first sentence of the Chinese national anthem goes like this: ‘Arise! All those who refuse to be slaves.’ I believe there will be real democracy in China sooner or later, as long as there are people who want to be treated equally and have their rights respected.

“It will rely on our own efforts, it will depend on when we, the Chinese people, are willing to stand up and protect our own rights.”

So this week, in the words of the American labor radical, Mother Jones, “mourn for the dead, but fight like hell for the living.”

GM Bankruptcy and Labor: From Sit Down Strikes to Credit Default Swaps

w-1937-overpassThe United Auto Workers gave organized labor a beachhead in the American economy with the great sit down strikes of 1937. Some seven decades later organized capital is looking to expel what remains of the UAW from GM and at the same time complete the isolation of the trade union to low wage immigrant labor based segments of the economy and the public sector. A labor movement that does not have leverage in the most productive center of an economy cannot hope to influence national social policy or progressive politics.

Unlike the bloody Battle of the Overpass pictured above, however, today’s attack on labor is being wielded with complex financial instruments, instruments of fictitious capital.  At GM, bond holders who hold credit default swaps have disrupted the ordinary incentive structure in a corporation entering the so-called “zone of bankruptcy”.

Traditionally, holders of bonds were deserving of protection as the company approached bankruptcy because insiders could be tempted to use their control over corporate resources to loot the firm and leave less for those who had a higher priority for repayment in bankruptcy.  Thus, courts have held recently that as a company like GM looked more likely to need the protection of bankruptcy its board of directors would have a legal obligation to shift its ordinary fiduciary duty to protect shareholders to the bond holders.

But the emergence of derivative instruments like credit default swaps (CDS) has twisted our ordinary understanding of incentives in corporate governance. Credit default swaps are speculative instruments created to offer a way for investors to bet on the value of bonds that ordinarily would not be open for speculation.  The purchaser of credit default swap “protection” pays an annual premium that amounts to several percentage points of the value of the underlying bond (perhaps 2% on a $10 million investment which translates into $200,000 in annual premiums to the “seller” of the protection).  If a “default” event were to occur on the bond – such as the failure by the issuer of the bond to make an interest payment or in extreme circumstances outright default on the bond – then the seller of the CDS protection must pay the buyer of the protection a certain amount (typically the difference between the par value and the current (depressed) market value of the bond). 

Hence, the term CDS: the credit is the original bond, the default is the event that triggers payoff, and the swap refers to the fact that by putting a CDS in place, the risk of owning the bond has shifted from the bondholder to the seller of protection.  One huge seller of protection on bonds was AIG and it sold a huge amount of CDS protection on sub prime mortgage bonds that have now turned out to be worthless. That has obligated AIG to make good on its promises – which they are doing with taxpayer money.

At GM, it turns out that one default event that will trigger repayment to bondholders is the filing of bankruptcy itself. So investors who bought GM bonds at par, e.g., valued at 100 cents on the dollar now hold bonds that are valued at far less, perhaps 20 cents on the dollar. If GM files for bankruptcy then the seller of CDS protection to a GM bondholder would owe the bondholder at least 80 cents on the dollar, if not more as the bond fell in price. So on $10 mn of GM bonds the payoff would be $8 mn plus the $2 mn that the bondholder could get by selling the bonds. If the bonds fell to zero in price, the holders could get the full $10 mn.

That is just a simple example and there are lots of complexities in this situation. In fact, for example, GM bonds are trading at a different price points – somewhere between 6 and 12 cents on the dollar. There is a net exposure for sellers of CDS protection of about 2.4 billion dollars on a total of 34 billion dollars of outstanding CDS positions (sellers of CDS protection sometimes buy CDS protection themselves to hedge against events such as this, but unlike regulated insurers they do not have to have any actual cash reserves to use to pay off in case of such a catastrophic event.) CDS protection also requires an upfront payment that increases as the bond falls in value, so at GM it costs $5 mn a year to protect $10 mn in bonds today (4.5 mn upfront and then a payment of 5% a year or $500,000).  Of course, that makes the bonds illiquid today or at least uninsurable.

But here is the key point: GM under US government pressure has offered current bond holders the “opportunity” to exchange their current bonds for common stock in a restructured GM. The bond holders would end up with 10 percent of the equity with the government owning 50% and the UAW’s VEBA owning 39%. Current shareholders would end up with one percent.  Apparently, though, bond holders with CDS protection believe that their CDS payoff if GM files for bankruptcy is worth more than the eventual value of the 10 percent common stock position. 

Now look at this deal from the viewpoint of current GM managers. If the bond holders turn down the exchange offer, GM files for bankruptcy which leaves the managers in control (they become in bankruptcy parlance a “debtor in possession”) and they get several months to put together a plan of reorganization. That may lead to the wipe out of the bond holders anyway but they won’t care because they will have received their CDS payout!  But here is the magic: the payout to bond holders is not made by GM or GM managers – it will be made by the sellers of the CDS protection, perhaps AIG or JPMorgan, and perhaps with taxpayer dollars! Thus, GM is freed of its bond obligations paid off with “other people’s money” and they remain in control of the company now free to use the power of a federal judge to tear up the UAW contract and their remaining obligations to pay billions into the healthcare VEBA.

And once they have cleared their books of the bonds, the VEBA and the UAW, they are free to ramp up offshore production to India and China, as they have been planning for several years.

By the way, GM bondholders were warned of bankruptcy risk at GM when they bought their bonds. They got the benefits of mandatory disclosure of risk factors affecting GM when the bonds were first issued. But the rank and file members of the UAW who “bought” the proposed multi-billion dollar VEBA to manage their health care plan were told by UAW President Ron Gettelfinger that their health care would be safe from GM bankuptcy “for 80 years.” So no CDS protection was purchased by the UAW to protect its payment obligations from GM.

The Financial Times has more on this issue here.  There is some interesting discussion of the issue on the blog Naked Capitalism here. And here is a video of an investor explaining how CDS protection is wreaking havoc in another bankrupt company.

Valley a-twitter about Hulu v. YouTube Grudge Match

The Valley is finally taking the competition between Hulu and YouTube seriously. Our home town rag, the San Jose Mercury News ran a pretty decent story the other day summarizing the key developments.  

In a nutshell: YouTube has the page hits but Hulu has the professional content and content is king, right?

As the Merc puts it:

Hulu has shown that users will tolerate video ads — at least if they are paired with the right content — and are interested in watching longer-form videos on the Web, said Graham Bennett, YouTube’s strategic partner manager.

But YouTube has a small fraction of the full-length, professionally produced content that consumers can find on Hulu. Even if YouTube can broaden its selection, it may have trouble luring consumers because many now think of the site as the place to get user-produced videos, noted Robert Passikoff, president of Brand Keys, a consulting firm. For Hollywood-produced ones, they’re turning to Hulu.

“When your brand is so deeply entrenched in that kind of milieu, it’s real hard to turn around,” Passikoff said.

That doesn’t mean the fight’s over. The online video market is still a nascent one, and neither YouTube nor Hulu has everything viewers or advertisers want.

This makes the recently concluded negotiations between Hollywood and the major entertainment conglomerates so important. The new contracts establish union jurisdiction for the online world for the first time. Hulu isn’t making much money yet but it likely will as time goes on and that will money in the pockets of actors, writers, directors and crew who make the content possible.

Who Will Really Own Chrysler? (Hint: Initials are “U.A.W.”)

Despite widespread reports that the United Auto Workers union will emerge as the controlling shareholder of a restructured Chrysler, that is not formally true. But a closer look suggests that UAW President Ron Gettelfinger’s recent comments that the UAW will not own a majority stake in Chrysler are not exactly right either.

The 55% stake that current Chrysler owners propose to issue will go to the Voluntary Employee Beneficiary Association, or VEBA, set up as a result of collective bargaining negotiations between the UAW and the Big Three in late 2007 and early 2008. To secure ratification of those dramatically concessionary deals, the UAW and Big Three promised auto workers their health care plans would be secure for “80 years” under the new off balance sheet VEBA. 

It turns out that may not be the case. Originally, the Big Three promised to put sufficient assets into the VEBA to pay health care obligations and to secure those assets from any risk of bankruptcy. But over the last year the companies got into further trouble and have now sought agreement with the union and its retired members to substitute equity for cash payments. Of course, that means the VEBA is directly linked to the financial health, or rather lack thereof, of the Big Three.

(By the way, to be clear, there is only one VEBA, for all three auto companies but it manages three separate health care plans with separate asset contributions owed in different amounts and structures from each of the auto companies.)

So who will be calling the shots at Chrysler with that huge 55% share – assuming a federal bankruptcy judge confirms the proposed deal (and that is far from certain)?

In theory it will be the board of trustees of the VEBA, also known as “the Committee” in public filings of the agreements behind the new structure. It is supposed to consist of 5 UAW representatives and 6 independent members.

But very little has been heard from this group. Despite their fiduciary obligation to protect retirees they do not seem to have objected to the very risky exchange of cash payments for equity in Chrysler. And the terms of the new Chrysler deal do not bode well either: despite owning more than half the company, apparently the VEBA will only get the right to appoint one board member out of nine.

In fact, it is a little unclear who really is on the VEBA board but one reliable source (Pension and Investments online magazine) lists the following individuals (since there are 6 listed here and none are UAW members this is likely the list of the so-called “independent” members):

Robert Naftaly, a former Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan executive, who will serve as the VEBA’s chairman.

Olena Berg-Lacey, a former assistant secretary of labor;

Marianne Udow-Phillips, director of the Center for Healthcare Quality and Transformation, Ann Arbor, Mich.;

Teresa Ghilarducci, a retirement policy guru at the New School for Social Research, New York;

David Baker Lewis, founder of Detroit-based law firm Lewis & Munday; and

Ed Welch, director of the Workers’ Compensation Center at Michigan State University’s School of Labor and Industrial Relations in East Lansing, Mich.

Of course, “independent” is a relative term. All six were presumably appointed with UAW President Ron Gettelfinger’s approval. They know that, he knows that. And the UAW controls the remaining five seats. In other words, the UAW only needs one vote from this group of six to completely control the VEBA itself and, in turn, Chrysler!

Now, how the supposedly independent Committee of 11 is supposed to defend the fiduciary interests of now and future auto worker retirees under such pressure is anybody’s guess.

Auto workers – meet the new boss, same as the old boss? We’ll see.

(You can read more here and here about the VEBA structure and the risks the UAW took with their retiree benefits.)

“There Will Be Blood”

images-1I have not been a fan of popularizers like historian Niall Ferguson, but one has to admit that he puts his finger on the depth and complexity of the current crisis in this interview with a Canadian newspaper. He points out that the US is in a relatively privileged position because its currency and economy remain the central pillars of the world economy. But the crisis represents the end of globalization as we have known it since the end of the Cold War.

Ferguson states:

“There will be blood, in the sense that a crisis of this magnitude is bound to increase political as well as economic [conflict]. It is bound to destabilize some countries. It will cause civil wars to break out, that have been dormant. It will topple governments that were moderate and bring in governments that are extreme. These things are pretty predictable. The question is whether the general destabilization, the return of, if you like, political risk, ultimately leads to something really big in the realm of geopolitics. That seems a less certain outcome.”

We’ll see.

Will the real Che Guevara please stand up?

mv5bmti2mzi3mzu2ml5bml5banbnxkftztcwntc2ndkxmg_v1_sx94_sy140_1In light of the new movie about Che Guevara, I am reposting something I originally blogged on in 2004 when Motorcycle Diaries came out:

The hundreds of thousands of people who will see the film version of Che Guevara’s Motorcycle Diaries can be forgiven for thinking that “Che” was the embodiment of compassion for the downtrodden of Latin America.

The movie is without a doubt a strikingly beautiful film and tells a moving story. And if you compare the young Che with his contemporaries in the United States – Jack Kerouac and Neal Cassidy in On the Road, for example – he certainly comes out ahead. But the Diaries have little to do with the real Che Guevara, at least not with Che as an adult.

That movie has yet to be made.

While we wait, it might help to consider Che’s published views of the labor movement. In my Ph.D. dissertation on Nicararagua’s Sandinista revolution, I wrote a chapter which I link here that considered the ideas of Che about the role of workers and trade unions in a revolution and beyond and the influence those ideas had on Nicaragua’s fledgling Sandinista regime.

With the return of Che as an icon and the apparent staying power of the Sandinistas themselves (they recently won a huge victory in local elections in Nicaragua) this is not simply an historical or nostalgic exercise. (Note that the text was written in the early 90s which explains some of the grammar and references.)

Although I have not seen the new del Toro version of Che yet,  from all accounts it is no closer to the real Che than Motorcycle Diaries was.

Will The Real Che Guevara Please Stand Up?

Globalization in reverse? The China Price Hits Bottom

Brad Setser, partner to the better known Nouriel Roubini, notes that the hot money flow into China, to take advantage of an appreciating renminbi, is now moving into a sharp reversal.

This suggests a slow down in China. And it squares with my own pet hypothesis – that the current global financial meltdown is due to the fact that a bottom was reached in the “China Price” as Chinese workers started over the past few years to push back.
More on this later but here is a useful snippet from Setser:
Hot money is now flowing out of China. Here is one way of thinking of it: 

The trade surplus should have produced a $115 billion increase in China’s foreign assets. FDI inflows and interest income should combine to produce another $30-40 billion. The fall in the reserve requirement should have added another $50-55 billion (if not more) to China’s reserves. Sum it up and China’s reserves would have increased by about $200 billion in the absence of hot money flows. Instead they went up by about $50 billion. That implies that money is now flowing out of China as fast as it flowed in during the first part of 2008.

If this trend continues it will not only undermine the claims for the permanency of financial globalization, but will radically alter labor politics in the US where protectionism is on the rise and, of course, could have a politically cataclysmic effect on Chinese politics.

Brad Setser: Follow the Money